Founded in 2021, Konger FC is a football team made up of Hong Kongers who have relocated to 黑料网吃瓜爆料, many on British National (Overseas) passports. Their move was prompted by increasing restrictions on activism and cultural expression in Hong Kong. Now, through football, they鈥檙e finding new ways to connect, integrate, and express themselves.
The club is at the heart of a new research project which received Community Partnership funding from the , led by University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料 academics, from the and from . The project, which includes short films and a multimedia documents the 2024/25 season of Konger FC and lays the foundation for a full documentary film.
But this is more than just a sports story. The researchers have embedded themselves in the club鈥檚 activities - attending matches, training sessions, and interviewing players, sponsors, and fans. Their goal is to amplify the voices of Hong Kongers in 黑料网吃瓜爆料, showcasing how they preserve their culture, build community networks, and contribute to civic life.
The project also taps into resources at the University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料鈥檚 , offering the Konger FC community tools and expertise to share their story with wider audiences.
Through everyday activities like football, the Hong Kong diaspora in 黑料网吃瓜爆料 is practising a quiet form of activism - championing democratic values and human rights while resisting the pressures of political repression back home. The upcoming documentary and website aim to shine a light on their journey, highlighting both the challenges and triumphs of starting anew in Britain.
Konger FC is proving that football can be more than a game鈥攊t can be a lifeline, a platform, and a powerful way to say, 鈥淲e鈥檙e still here.鈥
]]>The event featured inspiring speakers from the United Nations, Amnesty International, the FCDO, Chatham House, Global Weekly, EY, and the Department for Education. Most of these speakers are proud 黑料网吃瓜爆料 alumni, a testament to the quality of education they received here, which helped them thrive in competitive international roles.
This initiative reflects the University鈥檚 commitment to having a global impact as part of its 2035 strategy. Dr Jasmin Ramovic, organiser of the event, said:
Given the overwhelming response, the Politics Department will be making this an annual event and looks forward to expanding it even further in the future.
]]>BISA Climate Negotiation Simulation 2025: Reflections on Representing Saudi Arabia
By Odette Prior and Ned Vines Booth, final year students of the BSocSc Politics and International Relations.
December 2025
Last Monday, we had the opportunity to represent the University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料 at the , hosted at Chatham House. The event recreated the dynamics of UNFCCC negotiations in a post-COP30 world, challenging each delegation to represent a different state. We were assigned Saudi Arabia, a role that initially raised a few eyebrows, but ultimately offered one of the most instructive experiences either of us has had in climate politics.
Preparing to speak on behalf of a major oil producer at a climate conference required thorough research and careful positioning. With help from students experienced in Model UN and guidance from our academic lead, we examined Saudi climate policy, negotiation strategies, and COP procedures. As our research deepened, it became clear that Saudi Arabia鈥檚 stance is more complex than the caricature often presented. It is both acutely vulnerable to climate impacts and heavily reliant on fossil fuel revenue to finance its transition. Understanding this tension helped shape our strategy and interventions.
Arriving at Chatham House, after navigating London鈥檚 rain with less diplomatic composure than intended, we joined the other delegates for early introductions. Once the simulation began, the agenda-setting debate quickly demonstrated how challenging consensus can be. After more than an hour of discussion, the chair intervened to move things forward. When negotiations turned to emissions and climate finance, we engaged more actively, ensuring that our contributions reflected Saudi Arabia鈥檚 priorities, such as maintaining eligibility for climate finance and avoiding explicit references to fossil fuel phase-outs. As debates intensified, several accusations directed our way required rapid written responses, which we coordinated through an increasingly chaotic shared Google Doc. Throughout this period, none of our red lines were crossed, and we had managed to soften several commitments in line with Saudi Arabia鈥檚 position. In that moment, it almost felt good being the complicated villain!
The simulation offered a full spectrum of negotiation activities: moderated debate, unmoderated caucuses, drafting amendments, and navigating the delicate art of coalition building. We were surprised by how many states were willing to work with us which was proof that interests, not reputations, tend to drive diplomacy. One amendment we coordinated gained promising support before being voted down, a reminder of the unforgiving nature of consensus rules. By the end of the day, only one amendment (proposed by Iran) passed, which felt like an accurate reflection of the slow pace of real climate negotiations.
Despite limited progress on paper, the experience was highly rewarding. It strengthened our research and public-speaking skills, deepened our understanding of state positions in climate diplomacy, and highlighted the importance of strategic cooperation. Conversations with BISA staff and Chatham House programme members at the end of the day also offered valuable insight into careers in international politics and policy research.
We later learned that some BISA staff had nominated us for an award which was an encouraging gesture, even if it didn鈥檛 survive the final round of decision-making. In a simulation about climate diplomacy, it seemed fitting that outcomes ultimately hinged on coalition dynamics.
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We are proud to announce that the has been awarded the Athena Swan Silver award, by , for advancing gender equality, improving senior representation, and embedding inclusive practices in teaching, research, and leadership. The award is testament to the school鈥檚 commitment to equality and inclusivity and to building a diverse, inclusive and supportive environment in which students and staff can thrive.The is a framework which is used globally to support and transform gender within higher education and research. The school will now build on this to make even greater progress towards equality and inclusivity.
Claire Fox, Director of EDI reflects 鈥淭o be honest, it was about time SoSS applied for this award, given the progress and achievements we鈥檝e made in recent years. Achieving Silver is a real credit to all our colleagues who have put in the unglamorous work behind the scenes. I鈥檓 delighted the awarding panel recognised this.鈥
Claire Alexander, Head of School stated: 鈥淭his is a prestigious award, which recognises a commitment to advancing gender equity in Higher Education and a tremendous achievement. The Award is also a stepping stone on a longer journey to embed gender equity throughout the School of Social Sciences鈥.
]]>The study, set to be published in journal Washington Quarterly, traces how traditional peacemaking - rooted in international law, rights and negotiated compromise - has been eroded over the last two decades. According to the authors, the Iraq War, the post-9/11 security paradigm and growing global competition have weakened the norms that once governed international conflict resolution. This has opened space for powerful states to broker deals that prioritise strategic gain over accountability or the wishes of the affected population, as seen in the Ukraine peace plan drawn up by the USA and Russia.
The research draws on the concept of 鈥淩evisionist Conflict Management,鈥 a framework relying on transactional bargaining, economic incentives and top-down deals that freeze conflicts rather than resolving their causes. The authors argue that these patterns are increasingly visible in conflicts across the Middle East and Africa - and now in Europe too.
The findings have particular resonance for the current efforts to end the war in Ukraine. The proposals floated by the USA give greater weight to Russian territorial 鈥渞ealities on the ground鈥, and involve conversations where Ukraine鈥檚 role is more limited than expected for a state whose sovereignty is at stake. This reflects concerns highlighted in the research - that peace deals in the current climate risk being shaped by external actors, not those living with the consequences.
The study compares this dynamic to earlier conflicts where authoritarian or centralised governments acted as mediators while pursuing their own agendas. In the authors鈥 view, this risks creating 鈥渧ictor鈥檚 peace鈥 arrangements that halt fighting but entrench dominant states鈥 interests, leaving questions of justice, accountability and democratic legitimacy unresolved.
The researchers note that public opinion in Ukraine remains strongly opposed to ceding territory, and that Ukrainian society continues to insist on a settlement that restores borders and addresses wartime abuses. The tension between these expectations and geopolitical pressure, they argue, is emblematic of the broader global transition their study describes.
鈥淏y examining the Ukraine case through this lens, our research offers a wider warning about the international system - as global power becomes more fragmented and traditional norms weaken, the nature of mediation itself is changing,鈥 said Oliver Richmond, Professor in International Relations, Peace & Conflict Studies at 黑料网吃瓜爆料. ]]>
The findings come from an in-depth project led by Dr James Jackson from 黑料网吃瓜爆料 and Mathias Larsen from London School of Economics (LSE).
Their research - which has been published by LSE鈥檚 - involved 93 interviews across China鈥檚 financial system, including with staff inside the People鈥檚 Bank of China (PBoC), the country鈥檚 central bank.
Their conclusion is striking: China鈥檚 central bank isn鈥檛 independent from its government, and this may be the key reason it has been able to act faster and more boldly on climate change than its Western counterparts.
鈥淭here鈥檚 a common belief that central banks should stay out of politics and focus only on inflation. But climate change affects everything including food prices, energy bills and economic stability,鈥 said Dr Jackson.
The study found that the PBoC uses its financial tools in very practical ways to support China鈥檚 green industries. For example, it offers cheaper loans for renewable energy projects and allows banks to borrow more easily when they invest in approved green sectors. Since 2021, one programme alone has supported more than 拢120 billion in green lending.
By contrast, the Bank of England and European Central Bank have focused mainly on encouraging banks to think about climate risk, rather than shifting financial markets directly. The researchers describe this as an 鈥渋ndirect鈥 approach that has little real-world impact.
What makes the Chinese case unique is how the government sets the direction - such as its pledge to reach carbon neutrality by 2060 - and then expects the central bank to help deliver it. The PBoC still has technical freedom to design its own tools, but its mission is clear. One PBoC staff member told the researchers: 鈥淭he government sets the goal. We decide how to get there.鈥
Dr Jackson says this offers an important lesson for the climate era. 鈥淲e鈥檙e not saying countries should copy China鈥檚 political system, but we are saying that central banks around the world may need to rethink how they work with governments. In order to tackle climate change and adapt to its impacts, we need financial systems that can move quickly - not slowly.鈥
This year鈥檚 UN climate summit (Cop30) in Bel茅m, Brazil, begins with a familiar dilemma: how can we tackle a highly political, long-term problem that involves every country of the world?
Governments, experts and activists have been trying to address since the early 1990s, yet global greenhouse gas emissions remain at .
Emissions growth may be slowing, but even pro-climate action strategies seem to be pulling in different 鈥 or even, antagonistic 鈥 directions. Our presents these antagonisms as a choice between 鈥渟tability鈥 and 鈥減oliticisation鈥 in climate governance.
According to those favouring stability, governments should lock in steady, long-term policies that place us on a predictable and gradual track to much lower emissions. Creating policies that commit us to a certain path should help businesses to invest in ways that meet this predictable trajectory.
However, if it is weakened and made inadequate by pro-fossil fuel lobbyists and governments, then the stable path can still meander into climate catastrophe. This is the course we are presently on.
On the other hand, for those pursuing the politicisation of climate action, it is better to encourage political conflict and protests that constantly create pressure for more significant and rapid policy change.
Such strategies can disrupt pro-fossil fuel lobbyists鈥 grip and expose strategies used by some political figures to dismantle the hard-fought climate goals already in place. But by encouraging increased politicisation of these issues, we may open the door to and others seeking to slow or stop climate policy action altogether.
Both schools of thought 鈥 stability or politicisation 鈥 have their supporters and detractors. Both have benefits and downsides. However, these have rarely been discussed in conversation with one another, until now.
At Cop30, these distinct strategies will be under the spotlight.
The stability or politicisation dilemma helps to explain why building a strategy that works over years and decades creates difficult questions, not only about policy design but approaches for different organisations and states. These challenges change according to which level of government, which country, and which economic sector is in play.
For instance, it is easier to push for politicisation and conflict when you鈥檙e not a member of a marginalised or racialised community already facing to political participation.
Conversely, it is hard to avoid having to engage in politicisation and conflict in areas where there are deep historical power structures that need to be challenged. For example, in the UK, land ownership concentration blocks 鈥 both because landowners want to keep peat moors dry to maximise their grouse shooting revenue, and because the land concentration means they are very powerful within the British state.
Tension between timeframes
Our traces these dynamics across a range of cases, from the fossil fuel industry in the US to strategies used by the and ; from to environmental justice ; and from arguments about to generation.
International relations expert previous UN climate summits have been shaped by this clash in strategies, right back to the Kyoto protocol, the 1997 agreement that set emissions targets for economically developed countries.
Whereas the EU was previously the driving force behind depoliticisation of negotiations, more recently, countries such as India and China are also pursuing such strategies. As Allan warns, this may delay the implementation of climate policies as more states debate how best to progress.
In Bel茅m at Cop30, similar dynamics will be at play. Efforts are ongoing to implement the 2015 agenda and process. Core issues remain on how to ensure regular reporting of emissions, alongside questions around who pays for the consequences of climate change.
At the same time, there will be a continued politicising push by certain countries and social movements. States such as the US, Saudi Arabia and their allies will be trying to politicise the negotiations to stymy progress. Meanwhile, social movements will be protesting to keep the pressure on negotiators and promote climate justice for those who are hardest hit by climate change.
, Senior Lecturer in Politics, ; , Professor of International Politics, , and , Professor of Global Governance & Human Security,
This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. Read the .
]]>The event aimed to identify strategies to strengthen and expand international coalitions to preserve the rights of women and further progress gender equality.
Whilst in Paris, Toni was also invited, by the , to contribute to a side-event focusing on localisation in FFP contexts.
Toni鈥檚 expertise on FFP includes recent publications ( and ). This work is also being developed as an online archive FFP, in a collaboration with academics at the Universities of Birmingham and Bath as an essential research and policy tool, which will be the first of its kind.
]]>This trend has continued in the recent Caerphilly byelection, where the Labour and Conservative votes collapsed - but while the ballot box is reflecting a new era of multi-party politics, inside Westminster it is still business as usual for the main parties.
New research published in by Dr Louise Thompson from 黑料网吃瓜爆料 shows how outdated rules in the House of Commons shut smaller parties out of key decisions, leaving millions of voters effectively unheard.
鈥淧arliament is still operating as if it were the 1950s, when two big parties dominated,鈥 Dr Thompson explains. 鈥淪maller parties are treated unfairly in parliament鈥檚 rules, even though their MPs represent a growing share of the electorate. That creates a real democratic deficit.鈥
Currently, only the government, the official opposition and the third-largest party enjoy guaranteed speaking time, committee chairs and opportunities to hold the government to account. Everyone else - from the Greens and Reform UK to Plaid Cymru and the DUP - has no such rights.
That means these MPs often spend hours waiting in the chamber for a chance to speak, sometimes never being called at all. Even when they represent national movements like the Greens, or entire regions like Northern Ireland parties, they remain sidelined.
The problem isn鈥檛 just symbolic. Without a seat on select committees, smaller parties cannot properly scrutinise new laws. Without guaranteed debate slots, they cannot speak to issues that matter to them. In Dr Thompson鈥檚 words, 鈥淎ll MPs are elected equally, but inside Westminster, some are definitely more equal than others.鈥
At present, smaller parties rely on handshakes and goodwill to be heard. The Speaker sometimes makes space for their questions, and on rare occasions, bigger parties share their committee or debate time - but these arrangements are inconsistent and can be withdrawn at any moment. This patchwork system also favours parties that have good relationships with the big players, while leaving others with nothing. It is, Dr Thompson argues, no way to run a modern democracy.
Her study recommends that Westminster should modernise its rulebook to reflect today鈥檚 multi-party politics. She calls for formal guarantees in the Commons鈥 Standing Orders, giving smaller parties fair speaking rights, seats on committees and access to debates.
She also suggests borrowing ideas from devolved parliaments, such as minimum thresholds for party rights, and promoting more guesting鈥 on committees so small party MPs can contribute where they have expertise. These reforms, she stresses, wouldn鈥檛 overhaul the system but would make it more transparent, consistent and fair for all MPs - regardless of their party.]]>
The study, led by Dr Nicole Martin from 黑料网吃瓜爆料 alongside Dr Ralph Scott from the University of Bristol and Dr Roland Kappe from University College London, uniquely tracked thousands of English students from adolescence into adulthood.
It revealed that studying arts and humanities subjects such as History, Art and Drama during their GCSEs makes students more likely to support socially liberal and economically left-wing parties like the Green Party or Liberal Democrats.
In contrast, students who studied Business Studies or Economics at GCSE level showed increased support for economically right-wing parties like the Conservative Party. Technical subjects also influenced views, leading to greater support for socially conservative and economically right-wing parties.
Crucially, these relationships between subjects and political support were found to persist into adulthood.
Published in the journal , the research marks the first time such effects have been observed within compulsory secondary schooling, moving beyond studies that traditionally focus on university education.
By combining English administrative school records with a unique panel of adolescents, the study provides compelling evidence on the importance of secondary school subjects for political socialisation during the 'impressionable years' of adolescence.
鈥淥ur research demonstrates that education鈥檚 influence on our political beliefs is far more nuanced than simply the level of education attained,鈥 said Dr Martin. 鈥淭he specific subjects that young people take in school - particularly at GCSE - plays a profound role in shaping their political compass. This might be because of the content, or because of different peer groups or role models.鈥]]>
Her talk highlighted the urgent need to protect hard-won rights, confront structural violence, and reimagine peacebuilding through a feminist lens. Rees鈥檚 reflections were rooted in decades of frontline advocacy, legal reform, and international diplomacy, 鈥We insert ourselves into what we see and learn from existing structures. Male and female binary. History matters, but it鈥檚 biased; it鈥檚 mainly not women鈥檚 views. It鈥檚 not that women were written out of history but it鈥檚 that women were never written in.鈥
The lecture examined the pushback against gender and its negative impact on accessing justice, understanding conflict, and addressing its consequences. Rees argued that binary approaches, especially regarding gender, hinder the structural changes needed to end exclusion, inequality, and violence.
The lecture explored what interdisciplinary research is required to shift from a Hobbesian dystopia characterised by perpetual competitiveness and individualism, and to rebuild or establish a shared human connection.
The event marked forty years since former Psychology lecturer formally launched the lecture series. Inspired by staff protests against nuclear weapons at Greenham Common, the series was founded to create space for public dialogue on peace and the future.
, Lecturer in Peace and Conflict Studies and organiser of this year鈥檚 lecture, said:
The lecture was followed by a Q&A and networking reception, bringing together students, researchers, activists, and members of the public.
The International Peace Lecture is hosted annually by the Department of Politics in the School of Social Sciences. It remains a vital space for critical reflection, civic engagement, and global dialogue.
The study, published in , analysed how 拢8.64 billion of Levelling Up funding was distributed across 307 local authority districts in England. Using a new Community Resilience Index (CRI) to measure need, researchers discovered that while many northern and coastal areas received more than their 鈥渇air share鈥 of investment, the South of England was consistently underfunded.
The findings challenge the dominant narrative of a simple 鈥渘orth-south divide鈥 and reveal that southern communities - particularly in inland areas - were frequently left behind in funding allocations.
Only 36.2% of local authorities received support proportionate to their need - the research shows that 30% of Levelling Up funding would have needed to be reallocated to ensure an equitable distribution across the country
鈥淟evelling Up was designed to help all places build on their strengths and reach their potential - yet our resilience-based analysis shows that many southern communities were overlooked in funding allocations,鈥 said Dr Christine Camacho, lead author of the study. 鈥淭hese areas face significant challenges but did not receive the support needed to strengthen their resilience.鈥
Among the starkest cases was Havant, in the South East, which received just 拢12.45 per person in Levelling Up support - 94% less than the 拢200 per person it would have received under a fair allocation model.
By contrast, several northern districts received far more than their modelled 鈥渇air share鈥. Redcar and Cleveland, for example, secured 拢469.70 per person - more than double its needs-based allocation. The researchers argue that this unevenness highlights deep flaws in the competitive, ministerial-driven allocation process.
The study emphasises that competitive bidding and ministerial discretion meant funding often flowed to areas with stronger institutional capacity, rather than those with the greatest social and economic need.
The researchers argue that without systematic, needs-driven allocation of investment, future regional policies risk repeating the mistakes of Levelling Up - leaving vulnerable communities in both the North and the South behind.
The authors stress that as the new Labour government moves beyond the Levelling Up brand, future place-based policies must adopt transparent, needs-based criteria. The Community Resilience Index, they argue, offers a robust tool for ensuring resources go where they are most needed.]]>
New Fellows are named in recognition of their excellence and impact, and their advancement of social sciences for the public good. Through leadership, research and policymaking, they have deepened understanding of major societal challenges. The Academy comprises over 1,700 Fellows from academia, the public, private and third sectors as well as 46 societies and affiliates, forming a 90,000-strong network that cements the UK鈥檚 global leadership in social sciences.
Academy Fellows - who are selected through an independent peer review which recognises their excellence and impact - are elected for their excellence in their fields and their substantial contributions to social science for public benefit.
Joining them is Professor of Public Administration and Head of Politics Liz Richardson, an expert who advances democratic and inclusive policymaking through her knowledge of participatory urban governance, local politics, public services and innovative research methods. Recognised among the Local Government Information Unit鈥檚 Top 25 Thinkers, Liz bridges academic insight and civic practice to tackle complex local and global policy challenges. She has co-authored pivotal reports in the UK鈥檚 Public Design Evidence Review, shaping how design thinking can reinvigorate public services.
鈥I am delighted to be an ambassador for social science,鈥 Liz said. 鈥淎cademic research has the potential to create a more equitable society - such potential is greater when knowledge fosters scientific rigour as well as respect for the experiential expertise of participants.鈥
Also named as a new Fellow is Professor of Public Policy David Richards, an internationally recognised scholar who specialises in British politics, governance, democracy and institutional reform. His research investigates the relationship between political institutions, public policy and democratic accountability. He has co-authored influential works, including Institutional Crisis in 21st Century Britain, and leads major projects on Treasury鈥揥hitehall financial relations and productivity governance. Widely published and frequently cited in national debate, he bridges academic insight and public discourse, shaping critical conversations about the challenges facing British democracy and the future of effective, accountable government.
Our third new Fellow is Professor of Urban Economics & Real Estate Anupam Nanda, an award-winning expert in the economics of property markets, urban and regional dynamics, real estate finance, investor sentiment, cross-border investment, ESG issues, and the role of technology in real estate. A prolific researcher, his papers feature in top journals such as Journal of Urban Economics, Real Estate Economics, Regional Studies, and Energy Economics. Alongside his academic research, he works with policymakers and industry to develop solutions for sustainable, resilient and fair urban and housing systems.
鈥淚 am pleased to be nominated to join the Academy and contribute to its crucial work in promoting the role of social sciences in my field and across other related fields,鈥 said Anupam. 鈥淚 look forward to working with other fellows of the Academy.鈥
President of the Academy, Will Hutton FAcSS, said, 鈥淚t鈥檚 a pleasure to welcome more leading social scientists to the Academy鈥檚 Fellowship. Their research and practical applications have made substantial contributions to social science and wider society in a range of areas, and we look forward to working with them to promote further the vital role the social sciences play in all areas of our lives.鈥
Stability and Politicization in Climate Governance is co-edited by and - both leading politics experts from 黑料网吃瓜爆料 - alongside from the University of Massachusetts Boston (USA). The book highlights that the debate between 鈥榮tability鈥 and 鈥榩oliticisation鈥 isn't as simple as it seems.
For a long time, many policymakers believed that 鈥榮tability鈥 was the key to successful climate action. This stability meant creating predictable rules that encourage businesses to invest in green solutions, or making laws that are difficult to roll back in the future.
However, the book reveals a significant problem: often, trying to keep things stable just means nothing really changes, which can actually slow down efforts to cut carbon. Studies in the book also show that a focus on stability can perpetuate existing inequalities, making it harder for marginalised communities to participate in climate action.
On the other hand, "politicisation" means bringing climate issues into the public spotlight, challenging powerful interests and sparking debate. The book shows how social movements like the Fridays for Future school strikes in Germany have successfully pushed governments to adopt more ambitious climate strategies. This kind of public pressure can show who really has the power and lead to significant policy changes, like demanding deadlines for phasing out coal.
However, building pressure isn't equally easy or safe for all communities. For some groups, like Muslim climate activists in the UK, engaging in protests can be risky because of existing unfairness in society. As one Muslim climate campaigner noted, "when you think about climate change, it is a social justice issue".
The book鈥檚 main message is that stability and politicisation aren't always opposites - they often interact in complex ways. What appears stable may hide underlying conflicts which eventually burst out, while political conflicts can sometimes lead to new forms of stability.
The book covers examples from around the world - from Brazil to China and South Africa to Norway - across all levels of society from grassroots street activists in California right up to global negotiations. The volume also tackles a wide range of policy areas and sectors including the fossil fuel industry, financial and insurance businesses and electricity companies.
It is available now, and free to read and download from .
Read the or access the .
The authors use the UK asylum system as a case study to show how institutional stress can affect memory. They argue that the system itself鈥攖hrough long waiting times, hostile environments, and public protests鈥攃an cause or worsen trauma, which in turn affects how people recall and communicate their experiences.
The report recommends reforms to reduce stress and improve fairness, including better living conditions, trauma-informed interview practices, and training for officials to understand how trauma affects memory. The authors stress that these changes are essential to ensure that people seeking asylum are treated with dignity and that their rights are respected.
]]>The EDI Officer plays a vital role in leading BISA鈥檚 strategy to ensure that the association reflects and supports diversity in all its forms: demographic, intellectual, pedagogical, methodological and institutional. The role also involves embedding inclusive practices across BISA鈥檚 policies, processes, governing arrangements and activities.
In response to the appointment, Jamie shared:
This appointment reflects Dr Hagen鈥檚 ongoing commitment to advancing inclusive values within the wider academic community.
]]>鈥淢ike鈥 as he was called by his colleagues was known not for flamboyance or self-promotion, but for the quiet rigour of his thought and the moral seriousness with which he approached ideas.
He was a scholar made in the tradition of Spitzweg鈥檚 painting The Bookworm - perched among volumes, absorbed in thought, quietly devoted to truth. At the University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料, he taught political theory with clarity and conviction, shaping minds without fanfare.
Evans鈥 landmark book, Karl Marx, was published by Allen & Unwin in 1975 and later reissued by Routledge remains a model of scholarly constraint and insight. In just over 200 pages, he achieved what many longer volumes failed to do: he offered a lucid, historically grounded account of Marx鈥檚 political thought that was both accessible and analytically rigorous. Drawing from primary sources 鈥 including the Grundrisse, The Civil War in France, and newly uncovered documents from the Communist League - Evans traced the evolution of Marx鈥檚 ideas with care and restraint. He did not seek to canonize Marx, nor to dismantle him. He sought to understand him.
The book was praised for its balance and depth. A 1976 review in The Historical Journal described it as 鈥渁 very valuable addition鈥 to political theory, noting Evans鈥檚 ability to recover Marx鈥檚 own understanding of his work without imposing a rigid ideological frame. Evans portrayed Marx as a thinker shaped by contradiction - committed to justice, wary of abstraction, and deeply attuned to the complexities of class and history.
Like Spitzweg鈥檚 solitary figure, Evans lived by the belief that ideas matter - not for fashion but in this context for the search for social justice. In an age of noise, his work endures with quiet authority, testimony to the longevity of serious scholarship.
Evans contributed regularly to the 黑料网吃瓜爆料 Papers in Politics, including studies on Marx鈥檚 early journalism and doctoral thesis. These shorter monographs reflected the same scholarly virtues: clarity, restraint, and a refusal to oversimplify.
His monograph on Marx鈥檚 Doctoral Thesis explored the young philosopher鈥檚 engagement with classical and post-Hegelian thought, while Marx and the Rheinische Zeitung examined Marx鈥檚 journalism and advocacy for press freedom. These works are characterized by a sharp commitment to context and a refusal to simplify.
To his students and colleagues, he was known for his quiet rigor and principled teaching. As a teacher, Evans was exacting but fair. He encouraged students to read deeply, argue honestly, and ground their insights in evidence. He believed that political theory was not a utopian practice but a necessity to make social progress - a way of making sense of power, freedom, and the obligations we owe one another as human beings.
His lectures were unadorned, except for the provision of outstanding handouts, his standards exacting. He did not chase trends. He did not tolerate free riders. But those who studied under him remember the depth of his knowledge and the quiet encouragement he gave to those willing to do the work.
Michael Evans sought truth at a time when political theory is too often reduced to performance. His contribution lives on in the clarity of his historical analysis, the seriousness of the questions he grappled with, and the quiet impact he had on political thought. His work continues to be cited and studied by those seeking to understand Marxism with nuance and historical integrity. His legacy reminds us that scholarship, at its best, is an act of intellectual rigour and moral clarity.
Selected publications
- Evans, M. (1975). Karl Marx. London: Allen & Unwin. Reissued by Routledge, 2010.
- Evans, M. (1995). Marx and the Rheinische Zeitung. 黑料网吃瓜爆料 Papers in Politics, 5/95. 黑料网吃瓜爆料: University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料.
- Evans, M. (1995). Marx鈥檚 Doctoral Thesis. 黑料网吃瓜爆料 Papers in Politics. 黑料网吃瓜爆料: University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料."
The title recognises Roan鈥檚 extensive contribution to criminal justice through his multiple roles in the Innocence Project, Bar Society and International Wrongful Convictions Task Force.
Claire McGourlay, Professor of Legal Education who nominated Roan for the award, said:
Roan鈥檚 commitment to supporting victims of miscarriage through the Innocence Project earned him and his team the 黑料网吃瓜爆料 Law Society鈥檚 Pro Bono Award. As the project鈥檚 student manager, he mentors students on handling cases and ensures the public knows of the project鈥檚 impact and work.
Roan also leads on helping students pursue careers as barristers in his role as the Bar Society鈥檚 Treasurer. Through his membership in the International Wrongful Convictions Task Force, he works with students, lawyers and academics to develop the international law on wrongful conviction rights.
Niamh Cashell, a PhD student, has also been recognised as the Faculty鈥檚 Postgraduate Research Student of the Year.
Niamh has made significant contributions to academic leadership, public engagement, and responsible innovation. As Secretary of the Political Studies Association鈥檚 Early Career Network, she provided strategic leadership and administrative coordination, organising a virtual conference with over 70 early career researchers and co-leading an in-person Early Career Day at the PSA Annual Conference in 2024.
Niamh's commitment to research impact extended beyond academia, completing an ESRC-funded internship with the BBC鈥檚 Responsible Innovation Centre, where she produced a report on AI-generated images in UK political contexts.
Rachel Gibson, Professor of Political Science and Niamh鈥檚 PhD supervisor said:
She has also won the 黑料网吃瓜爆料 Doctoral College Excellence Award for Research Impact.
]]>The is the most comprehensive exploration yet of how design thinking can transform public services. Spearheaded by the Cabinet Office and drawing on expertise across government and academia, it brings together global case studies, academic insights and frontline government perspectives. It invites policy professionals to reimagine how we create value through more human-centred, collaborative public services.
Professor Liz Richardson, from the Department of Politics at 黑料网吃瓜爆料, played a key role in the landmark project. She co-authored two of the PDER鈥檚 core reports, which examine the promise and potential of public design in modern governance.
One of her reports reviewed evidence on whether public design truly delivers public value - finding promising signs that, when done well, it can deepen collaboration, uncover fresh insights into how people experience services, and stimulate innovation by involving diverse voices in co-creation.
Professor Richardson also contributed to a major academic commentary in the review, setting out the current research landscape and future priorities for both academics and policymakers.
Reflecting on the work, she said: 鈥淒esign could offer a fresh portfolio of ways to design and deliver high-performing public policies. Public design is part of a rich landscape of policy innovation. We are heartened by growing academic and policy interest in a family of 鈥榩ositive鈥 approaches to public policy (PoPP), including public design.鈥
The PDER was coordinated by the Policy Profession Unit, prepared for publication in the Department for Work and Pensions, and launched by the Cabinet Office with support from the University of the Arts London.
The report represents a true cross-sector effort to rethink how government can better serve the public. Professor Richardson鈥檚 involvement highlights how academic research can directly shape public services, and help to build more responsive, trusted and inclusive government.
Derry Duffy and a co-founder, Herbie Warner (a Theoretical Physics graduate) created 鈥楥ause鈥, the first online giving platform built specifically for small charities, making it easier for them to connect with donors, raise funds, and grow. Cause removes the barriers that small charities face when fundraising such as high advertising costs, low visibility and lack of digital expertise. Through the 鈥榓pp鈥, donors and charities can easily connect, either organically through data driven recommendations or through affordable, accessible and targeted marketing. Allowing small charities to have maximum impact is central to the mission of the 鈥榓pp鈥 so there are no platform fees or fees on donations for donors or small charities.
In Derry鈥檚 summer after his first year at university, he became aware of how the coming Cost of Living Crisis was likely to affect people, especially those who were already facing fuel and food insecurity. In response he thought it would be a good idea to set up a charity to support people in 黑料网吃瓜爆料 through the Winter. However, the issue he couldn鈥檛 find an answer to was how to connect with local donors. He assumed a platform where small charities and local donors could connect would exist but it didn鈥檛. Derry and co-founder Herbie decided to create that platform, an 鈥榓pp鈥 that allows donors to find small charities that are doing work close to their hearts.
Derry reflects on receiving the award:
]]>The award was presented during the BISA 2025 annual conference, held in Belfast, and celebrates initiatives that have made a tangible impact on fostering inclusive academic environments. 黑料网吃瓜爆料 team who received the EDI prize consisted of , (both from the Politics department) and (Sociology department).
The Decolonial Praxis project, that the awardees co-lead, challenges colonial legacies in Higher Education, while ensuring a more ethical and social justice-oriented approach to international partnerships. It is a transformative initiative that embodies the principles of Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI). Its working method is to evolve the approach in collaboration with colleagues from other universities (so far that includes universities of Ghana, Nairobi and Pretoria).
The initiative has sought to rethink modes of decolonising by including a wider range of participant: students, staff including academics and research support staff, and artivists. It convened at the universities but also in local communities and art-spaces giving importance to locally produced knowledge and knowledge-practice.
Over the last two years, activities have included mapping courses and degree programmes to highlight the ways in which structural inequalities persist as an evidence base to drive change within our School. Moreover, by engaging with colleagues from other universities and across disciplinary boundaries (in Nairobi the Faculty of Education; in Ghana the Interdisciplinary Institute for African Studies and in Pretoria the Department of Politics), the initiative has facilitated peer learning with implications for critical pedagogy, research and research support.
This initiative enhances diversity by amplifying marginalised voices and perspectives, through collaborative workshops and knowledge exchange. Through this initiative the project created an important space for critical dialogue and co-production of tools that advance decolonial praxis. This approach not only validates Indigenous knowledge but also ensures its relevance to socio-economic and cultural contexts, promoting sustainable development. The project鈥檚 long-term impact is secured through the ongoing development of a decolonial archive, and a number of publications.
This recognition underscores 黑料网吃瓜爆料鈥檚 leadership in social responsibility and its commitment to inclusive excellence in higher education. The project has been funded by the International Science Partnerships scheme and the Faculty of Humanities at 黑料网吃瓜爆料.
]]>The award-winning series follows the pair as they retrace the steps of the Grand Tour across Europe, exploring art, culture, and identity with warmth and wit. The programme has been praised for its engaging storytelling and emotional depth, earning widespread acclaim and now, one of television鈥檚 highest honours.
Rob Rinder studied at the University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料, graduating with a double first in Politics and Modern History, a joint honours degree spanning both the and the . His academic achievements laid the foundation for a distinguished career in law, broadcasting, and public engagement.
The success of Rob and Rylan鈥檚 Grand Tour has seen it renewed for a second series, where the duo will travel to India and retrace the steps of Rob鈥檚 favourite author E.M. Forster.
We are proud to celebrate this achievement and to count Rob among our inspiring alumni.
]]>Since 2017, Chileans living abroad have had the right to vote in presidential elections and national referendums. However, until 2022, the only UK polling station was in London. This posed significant challenges for Chileans based in the North and Scotland, who faced long, costly journeys to exercise their democratic rights.
In response, the Chilean Society at 黑料网吃瓜爆料 launched a campaign in 2022 to establish a polling station in the North of England. With strong support from Chilean residents in the region, the Society made a formal case to the Chilean Electoral Service and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Their advocacy paid off in 2023: Chilean citizens voted in the referendum for the first time, using the Students鈥 Union building ( 黑料网吃瓜爆料) as a polling station.
This grassroots initiative was recognised with the by 黑料网吃瓜爆料 Students鈥 Union. The award was presented by Professor Nalin Thakkar, Vice-President for Social Responsibility, in recognition of the Society鈥檚 contribution to civic engagement and democratic participation.
During 2025, Chileans abroad will vote in three rounds: the primary election in June, the first round in November, and a potential runoff in December. 黑料网吃瓜爆料 will again serve as a polling station for the North of England. This is a result of the consistent collaboration between (lecturer in Politics and former Chair of the Chilean Society) and the to the UK.
This year鈥檚 voting process will be supported by the , reinforcing the institution鈥檚 commitment to inclusive political participation and global citizenship.
]]>New Fellows are named in recognition of their excellence and impact, and their advancement of social sciences for the public good. Through leadership, research and policymaking, they have deepened understanding of major societal challenges. The Academy comprises over 1,400 Fellows, 46 societies and affiliates, forming a 90,000-strong network that cements the UK鈥檚 global leadership in social sciences.
Joining them is Professor Sherilyn MacGregor, a leading scholar in environmental politics who is internationally renowned for her expertise in ecological feminism and environmental justice. Her research connects sustainability and justice in policy and practice, working with organisations like Oxfam and grassroots activists. She has authored pioneering works, mentored early career scholars, and edited Environmental Politics since 2010. She has secured over 拢1 million in research funding and recently led an 拢8.5 million bid for the , where, as PI and director, she leads more than 30 researchers studying just transitions to net zero.
鈥淚t is a huge privilege to become a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences, and I want to thank the colleagues responsible for my nomination,鈥 said Sherilyn. 鈥淎s we start building the JUST Centre, I am more committed than ever to demonstrating that the environmental social sciences play a vital role in leading the way out of the current so-called 鈥榩olycrisis鈥. I will continue to do work that supports community struggles for eco-social justice, inspired by the countless mentors who have taught me the necessity and the rewards of engaged scholarship.鈥
Also named as a new Fellow is Professor Stefan Bouzarovski, who also co-leads a core working group of the JUST Centre as well as the . Honoured by the EU as an 鈥極rdinary Hero鈥, Stefan is a leading expert on energy regulation, urban inequality and housing vulnerability who has influenced global climate policies as the University鈥檚 Associate Research Director for Impact. A key member of the and the , he has worked with the UN, UK Government, EU and World Bank. He co-founded the European Energy Poverty Observatory, and he has authored over 150 publications.
鈥淚 am incredibly honoured and humbled to have received this recognition, while also feeling deeply grateful to the Royal Geographical Society for their nomination,鈥 said Stefan. 鈥淎ll academic work is collective, and this Fellowship is equally the result of multiple years of cooperation with numerous researchers and practitioners across the world. I hope to be able to extend and develop our shared work in the period to come, in working towards energy equity and social justice against the background of the unfolding climate crisis.鈥
Another new Fellow is deputy director of the JUST Centre Professor Matthew Paterson, a globally recognised expert in climate politics and environmental governance whose work explores the political economy of climate change, global environmental governance and sustainable transformations. Matthew has authored influential books and over 100 scholarly articles, shaping discourse on climate politics. He has led major international research projects funded by organisations such as the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Leverhulme Trust, and he has engaged policymakers worldwide including as an author for the UN鈥檚 IPCC reports.
Also named as a Fellow is Professor Toni Haastrup, a leading expert in feminist international studies. Her work has explored contemporary Africa-EU relations, feminist foreign policy and the Women, Peace and Security agenda. With over 80 published works, her work seeks to bridge theory and practice, which has led to collaborations with UN agencies and EU institutions. Passionate about inclusion in the sector, Toni is currently chair of the . Her contribution to feminist knowledge in Europe was recognised with an Emma Goldman Award in 2022. She is also a mid-career fellow of the Independent Social Research Foundation.
鈥淚 am deeply honoured to be recognised by the Academy of Social Sciences,鈥 Toni said. 鈥淭his recognition further validates the importance of feminist perspectives within the humanities and social sciences, at a time we are increasingly seeing a backlash within and outside the academy. Yet, this work is essential to addressing some of the most pressing challenges of our time, and I am grateful to the colleagues and collaborators who have supported my work over the years.鈥
Our final new Fellow is Professor Sophie Woodward, a distinguished sociologist who carries out research into material culture, consumption and everyday life. Sophie is the author of several books including Why Women Wear What They Wear (2007), Blue Jeans: The Art of the Ordinary (2012), Birth and Death: experience, ethics and politics (2020) and Material Methods: Researching and Thinking with Things (2019) who co-directs the , as well as serving as Vice-Director of the National Centre for Research Methods (NCRM). She is also one of the founding editors of the new Journal of Creative Research methods.
鈥淚 am delighted to be made a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences - it is wonderful to receive recognition like this,鈥 said Sophie. 鈥淚 look forward to working with other fellows at a time when the world needs social science methods, perspectives and critiques more than ever. I look forward to continuing to develop critical engagements with methods and the data they can generate and my research into everyday lives.鈥
鈥淚鈥檓 delighted to welcome these outstanding social scientists to the Academy鈥檚 Fellowship, whose research and practice are helping to develop solutions to pressing societal issues,鈥 said Will Hutton, President of the Academy. 鈥淲e look forward to working with them to further promote the vital role the social sciences play in all areas of our lives.鈥
On Tuesday, 25 February, students and academics gathered at 黑料网吃瓜爆料 to hear first-hand accounts of resilience and democratic resistance from Ukrainian leaders. The event, Democratic Resilience After De-Occupation: Local Communities鈥 Response to Russia鈥檚 War Against Ukraine, provided an eye-opening insight into life under occupation and the efforts to rebuild in the face of destruction.
First-Hand Accounts of Survival and Resistance
The panel featured key figures such as Larysa Bilozir, Member of Parliament and Chair of the Committee on State Building, Local Governance, Regional, and Urban Development. She spoke passionately about the significance of international audiences engaging with Ukrainian voices, expressing gratitude for those who attended to listen and learn.
Tatiana Sviridenko, Head of the Ivankiv community in the Kyiv region, shared harrowing details of the war鈥檚 impact on local communities, particularly the elderly. 鈥淢any of those who lost their homes were pensioners,鈥 she said, highlighting the devastating personal toll. One story that resonated deeply was the destruction of the Ivankiv Historical and Local History Museum, which housed 25 paintings by renowned artist Maria Prymachenko. In an extraordinary act of bravery, three residents ran into the burning building to save the artwork.
Joining the discussion were several other Ukrainian leaders dedicated to the country鈥檚 reconstruction and democratic resilience.
Mykola Stefanishyn, Deputy Minister for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development of Ukraine, highlighted the strategic efforts being made to rebuild war-torn regions, while Natalia Pipa, Member of Parliament and Secretary of the Committee on Education, Science, and Innovation, spoke about the impact of war on Ukraine鈥檚 education system and the steps being taken to ensure learning continues despite the hardships.
Preserving Identity and History
Vitaliy Beloborov, Deputy Head of the Kherson City Military Administration, discussed Russia鈥檚 attempts to erase Ukrainian identity and culture. During its eight-month occupation, Russian forces sought to eliminate historical records and symbols of resistance. In response, Kherson has established a Museum of Resistance to preserve everyday items that became symbols of survival.
He also warned about the dangers of Russian disinformation campaigns, emphasizing that 鈥減rofessional methods are used to distort the truth.鈥 His call to action was clear: by listening, sharing stories, and raising awareness, the international community can play a vital role in countering propaganda.
The discussion also featured Anatoliy Fedoruk, the Mayor of Bucha, a city that has become a powerful symbol of Ukrainian resilience following the atrocities committed during Russia鈥檚 occupation. He shared his city鈥檚 painful experiences and the efforts being made to restore normalcy and honour the memories of those lost.
A Call for Global Solidarity
Oksana Prodan, Advisor to the Head of the Association of Ukrainian Cities, reinforced the importance of international support.
The panellists stressed that conversations like these help amplify Ukraine鈥檚 struggle and ensure that the world remains engaged.
The gratitude expressed by the speakers highlighted how vital external support is, not only in terms of material aid but also in keeping Ukraine鈥檚 story in the global spotlight. The simple act of listening, asking questions, and seeking to understand was acknowledged as a form of solidarity that strengthens Ukraine鈥檚 resistance.
A key theme that ran throughout the discussion was an unshakable pride in being Ukrainian. 鈥淲e will win this war,鈥 one speaker declared with conviction. Their words reflected not just hope, but an unwavering belief in the resilience of their people and their commitment to democracy.
Lessons for the Future
The event concluded with a powerful takeaway: listening is an act of resistance. By hearing and understanding Ukraine鈥檚 fight for survival, attendees became part of a broader effort to uphold truth and justice. In a world where disinformation and apathy threaten to silence critical voices, events like these remind us of the importance of engagement and advocacy.
The Ukrainian leaders left the audience with a simple but profound message: solidarity matters, and the world must continue to stand with Ukraine.
Educational Initiatives Supporting Democratic Resilience
As part of broader efforts to educate and engage students in contemporary political challenges, the event was organized under the Ukraine Rises course, sponsored by the . This is the first contemporary politics course in the United Kingdom based in a social science department.
Olga Onuch, Professor of Comparative and Ukrainian Politics, emphasized how the course complements the themes of resilience and civic responsibility discussed throughout the event:
]]>The list features leaders who are finding solutions to some of the world鈥檚 biggest problems. Professor Richardson focuses on creating more democratic and participatory ways of doing politics by working with academics, practitioners, and citizens. She is also interested in new research methods that involve people in the research process.
The LGIU has released its first-ever list of after launching the , a programme designed to help local governments tackle global challenges and make the most of new technologies, including addressing climate change.
Liz reflects on this recognition:
]]>Trump鈥檚 remarks come at a critical moment when US and Russian officials are engaging in discussions - without Ukrainian representation - about ending the full-scale invasion. These talks are validating some of Ukrainians' worst fears: negotiations that concede to Vladimir Putin鈥檚 demands, undermining Ukraine鈥檚 sovereignty, and rewarding Russian aggression. Trump鈥檚 comments only add fuel to this narrative by attempting to delegitimise Ukraine鈥檚 leadership while strengthening Putin鈥檚 position.
Professor Onuch - alongside colleagues Professor Henry Hale of George Washington University, Volodymyr Kulyk of The Kyiv School of Economics and Gwendolyn Sasse of Humbolt University and ZOiS - has conducted extensive surveys in Ukraine since 2014. Their work, carried out in partnership with the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, offers a clear picture of Ukrainian public sentiment.
According to their latest findings, 63% of Ukrainians approve of Zelensky鈥檚 performance as president, a notable increase from the previous year. Additionally, large majorities view him as a patriot (74%), an intelligent and knowledgeable leader (73%), and a strong figure guiding the country through war (65%).
The notion that Zelensky is deeply unpopular is not only inaccurate - according to the researchers, it is a blatant attempt to distort reality in favour of Russia鈥檚 geopolitical ambitions. Trump鈥檚 suggestion that Ukraine should hold new elections ignores the fact that democratic processes in Ukraine remain intact, and that Zelensky would remain a frontrunner in the most likely electoral scenarios.
Among likely voters, he commands 32-41% support - far ahead of rivals like former President Petro Poroshenko and Dmytro Razumkov, who trail in the single digits. Zelensky's only strong contender would be Valerii Zaluzhnyi, former Commander in Chief and currently Ukrainian Ambassador to the UK, but he has not publicly voiced any political ambitions.
鈥淯krainians will not react well to attempts to undermine their views and preferences and will rally behind their leaders," Olga added. "Opposition forces will also find a way to come together and show unity - everyone in Ukraine understands what is as stake - it is an existential matter. Ukrainians have been fighting to protect their independence for years, and they will not give up now.鈥
鈥淏y inventing low approval ratings, Trump is preparing the ground for a call for quick elections in Ukraine - in line with Putin鈥榮 references to Zelensky as an illegitimate president and negotiation partner,鈥 said Gwendolyn Sasse. 鈥淥ur findings show that for Ukrainians, holding elections now is not a preferred priority.鈥
鈥淲hen the war ends, we can expect normal political competition to reemerge if Ukraine remains free,鈥 added Henry Hale. 鈥淏ut with the Russian threat still looming large, Ukrainians continue to rally strongly around their leader.鈥
As Ukraine continues to resist Russian aggression and misinformation campaigns, the researchers say these must be called out and rejected. Their findings demonstrate that Ukraine still stands with Zelensky, and they say that efforts to delegitimise him only serve the interests of Vladimir Putin.
The 2024 general election was the first in the UK鈥檚 history to be run under a system of voter ID. When heading to the polling station, people could only vote if they proved their identity first. This was the result of a law brought in in 2023 and that had already applied to local elections in England that year.
Using data from the , we tracked people eligible to vote between 2023 and 2024 and that 5% of people eligible to vote 鈥 nearly 2 million people 鈥 didn鈥檛 own any recognised voter identification. This lack of ID was concentrated among poorer and less educated voters.
Of course, lacking photographic ID is not necessarily a permanent state. Some people will have been in the process of renewing passports and driving licences during this period. All of these people would also have been eligible for a voter authority certificate, a form of identification brought in with the new law 鈥 although we found take up of these was low.
We found that around 0.5% of all voters reported being turned away at polling stations as a result of lacking ID in the local elections of 2023. We also found that four times as many people (around 2%) reported not voting because they knew they didn鈥檛 have the right ID.
The equivalent figures were slightly lower at the general election of 2024, but a meaningful contingent still did not participate. Around 1.3% of electors 鈥 or over half a million people 鈥 were turned away or didn鈥檛 show up at all because of voter identification requirements.
While administrative records can provide accurate numbers about how many people were turned away at the polling station, they tell us little about people who were discouraged from even trying to vote because they didn鈥檛 have the right ID. So it is clear from our analysis that the impact of voter ID on turnout is likely larger than previous estimates based on polling station returns.
Who benefits?
We also found that the Conservatives were more likely to benefit from the voter ID law than other parties.
This is not surprising when we consider demographic factors. , Conservative voters are more likely to own ID, because they are more likely to be older and more affluent. Despite changes in social patterns of party support since the 2016 Brexit referendum, this pattern still holds true.
The types of identification which are allowed under the new law 鈥 and especially the decision to allow older people but not younger people to use travel passes 鈥 exacerbates these differences.
Who didn鈥檛 have ID? 
The chart above shows the percentage lacking photo ID by general election vote intention, as measured in May 2023 (lighter bars) and May 2024 (shaded bars), shortly before the general election was called.
In 2024, only 2.4% of Conservative supporters were likely to not have photo ID, while 3.8% of Labour supporters and 4.1% of Reform supporters were lacking.
One notable difference is an increase in Liberal Democrats and non-voters with no photo identification in 2024, although this is almost entirely due to a change in the number of people supporting the Liberal Democrats or deciding not to vote rather than changes in people鈥檚 actual ownership of ID.
Liberal Democrat voters had the lowest proportion of supporters without voter ID in 2023 (1.3%), but in 2024, the Liberal Democrat rate exceeded that of the Conservatives (2.9%).
There are still opportunities to posed by voter ID. Ahead of the next election the new government should extend the forms of identification allowed (especially for those younger than state pension age).
Improving public awareness around the law and the availability of voter authority certificates is another important step. There are also suggestions that a system of who don鈥檛 have voter ID would be an option.
In an electorate of 49 million, if almost two million aren鈥檛 able to vote because they don鈥檛 have the right ID, there is a problem. Those interested in building trust in our democracy should consider not only minimising electoral fraud but reducing this number by as much as possible.
, Leverhulme Early Career Fellow in Politics, and , Professor of Social and Political Science, and Principal Investigator of the British Election Study,
This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. Read the .
]]>The research is part of the 鈥淚dentity and Borders in Flux: The Case of Ukraine鈥 (IBiF) project - a collaboration between 黑料网吃瓜爆料, George Washington University, the University of Oxford and Kyiv School of Economics funded by The British Academy.
The study found that 54% of Ukrainians view Trump鈥檚 return as generally more positive than negative for Ukraine, although regional and demographic differences persist. Younger Ukrainians aged 18鈥29 are particularly optimistic, with 64% expressing confidence in Trump鈥檚 leadership benefiting their country.
Professor Olga Onuch, the project鈥檚 lead researcher, emphasised the importance of these findings in understanding public sentiment during a time of geopolitical upheaval. 鈥淥ur research highlights the nuanced and often ambivalent perspectives Ukrainians have toward Donald Trump鈥檚 presidency,鈥 she said.
鈥淥ur findings may also reflect Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky鈥檚 recent public efforts to woo and flatter Trump as he takes the helm of Ukraine鈥檚 most powerful ally,鈥 added Henry Hale of George Washington University.
Donald Trump has sparked controversy in the West with statements suggesting the US might scale back military support for Ukraine and focus on negotiating a peace deal, even if this compromises Ukraine鈥檚 territorial integrity. These remarks have raised alarms in Kyiv and among NATO allies, as they potentially undermine Ukraine鈥檚 ability to resist Russian aggression.
The study reveals that territorial integrity remains a non-negotiable priority for Ukrainians, with 57% agreeing that 鈥渁ny peace agreement that does not restore the full territorial integrity of Ukraine is doomed to failure.鈥 Despite Trump鈥檚 claims of being a skilled negotiator, scepticism persists about whether his administration could achieve a deal acceptable to Ukraine and its Western allies.
The research underscores the delicate balance required to maintain Western unity in supporting Ukraine. As NATO and the EU closely monitor Trump鈥檚 rhetoric, Ukraine remains steadfast in its demand for a peace deal that ensures sovereignty and territorial integrity.
鈥淭he Ukrainian public鈥檚 cautious optimism reflects a mix of hope and pragmatism,鈥 Professor Onuch added. 鈥淎s Trump and his new administration navigate these complex dynamics, the stakes for Ukraine and the West couldn鈥檛 be higher.鈥
is a Senior Lecturer of Chinese Politics at 黑料网吃瓜爆料.
In his , he examines the discourse around Wuhan鈥檚 Party Secertary Ma Guoqiang, an ethnic Hui Muslim.
Using discourse analysis of posts regarding Ma from January and February 2020, the paper examines how online discussion of Ma exemplifies Islamophobic attitudes of netizens, and illuminates the exclusory ethnic politics that unfold in the process of national boundary setting in China.
These findings also illuminate how Muslims become scapegoats for crisis in non-Muslim countries, particularly those under authoritarian governance.
Stroup鈥檚 article contributed to the INTERSECT Project, a collaborative study of the global flows of Islamophobia led by Iselin Frydenlund and Torkel Brekke at the Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX), University of Oslo.
]]>Launching in February 2025, the JUST Centre will work closely with communities in five regions of the North of England (West Yorkshire, West Cumbria, Merseyside, Greater 黑料网吃瓜爆料, and Tyneside) while also generating comparative research in other regions of the UK.
It will collaborate with partners across local, regional, and national government, business, and civil society to co-produce joined-up solutions to meet climate goals while improving citizens鈥 quality of life.
Commenting on the announcement, JUST Centre Director and Principal Investigator, said:
Visit the for further information.
]]>Angie Wilson commented: 鈥淒r. Alkindi was an absolutely determined, thorough and inspirational researcher during his time at the University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料. Both Vero and I were certain that his work would have an impact on the world for the good. Clearly he remains dedicated to the growth of the discipline through his instrumental work in establishing the SPSA and now being elected as the first SPSA President.鈥]]>
Our Heads of Department for Sociology and Politics have both welcomed the results as a reflection of the hard work of their academics and researchers.
Overall, the University has been placed among the top 25 worldwide in seven subject areas, and has two other subjects ranked in the top 50 globally. We are now ranked in 46 of the 55 subject areas covered by the ARWU, an impressive achievement.
These exceptional results demonstrate our commitment to research excellence and global impact across a diverse range of disciplines.
]]>Chancellor Rachel Reeves presented in 14 years by promising to put an .
British governments typically see budgets as an opportunity to present policies providing short-term gain in terms of public popularity, even if they do little to improve Britain鈥檚 long-term economic prospects. Over the past ten years, governments have adopted and then abandoned , and .
The last Conservative government鈥檚 budget contained a range of tax cuts, most notably a 2p cut on National Insurance. Little consideration was given to the medium-term . Labour inherited a funding squeeze, alongside the need to balance the books over a five-year period based on the previous .
This kind of short-termism is a within British economic policymaking. A winner-takes-all, majoritarian electoral system encourages governments to over a longer-term economic strategy.
Here鈥檚 how Reeves is taking a different approach in her first budget.
1. Long-term strategy
Reeves has underscored Labour鈥檚 commitment to long-termism through various institutional reforms. The government had already announced the creation of to drive a new industrial strategy. This will now be accompanied by a new to provide private investment into infrastructure.
The launch of the will scrutinise spending decisions. And the Office for Budget Responsibility鈥檚 role in of capital investments, government policies and departmental spending will be enhanced.
2. Investing for growth
Alongside a few surprises such as an uplift to the minimum wage, increased tax on private jets and the continued freeze on fuel duty, the main theme of the budget was investment-led growth for the long-term.
To that end, Reeves has around debt to enable more headroom for investment. She also raised national insurance contributions for employers to fund this investment wave.
These measures will be used to plough such as engineering, biotechnology and medical science. The chancellor committed 拢1 billion into the aerospace industry, 拢2 billion into electric vehicle development, and 拢500 million into life sciences. In total, the public investment will amount to .
3. Infrastructure projects
Reeves also committed to funding a number of high-profile . On transport, the TransPennine Route upgrade, East West Rail, and HS2鈥檚 link into central London were all green lit. She also to build 1.5 million new homes in five years. Additionally, 拢20.4 billion in R&D funding was also protected in the budget.
4. Regional growth
The budget highlighted the importance of , reflecting Labour鈥檚 emphasis on continued devolution . Reeves has committed to providing an extra 拢6.6 billion to the devolved nations through the .
She also revealed that the would receive integrated financial settlements from 2026-27. These moves indicate some ambition and long-term vision around empowering devolved governments to drive regional economic growth.
5. Public services
Another long-term focus of the government has been 鈥渇ixing the foundations鈥 of Britain鈥檚 . Reeves linked low levels of investment to . As such, she committed to significant spending on education and health, alongside 拢1.3 billion to address the crisis of .
These measures signpost a renewed interest in an to address Britain鈥檚 economic weaknesses and drive growth. Both require a focus on the medium and long-term.
Remaining challenges
Collectively, these measure suggest some long-term thinking by Labour, but do they go far enough and will they stick?
Delivering on a long-term industrial strategy requires greater , especially between the Treasury and the Department for Business and Trade. But other departments too, will be key to driving long-term growth and must be brought on board with Labour鈥檚 approach .
And while the integrated financial settlements will empower the West Midlands and Greater 黑料网吃瓜爆料, the approach stops short of fully downloading financial independence to the regions. A focus on selective regions also only adds to in the powers regions have. A systematically thought-out approach that covers the whole UK would go further, but remains remote.
Finally, while the government has spent big on education and health, real departmental funding is only set to . Pre-budget, about the effect tight funding settlements might have for non-protected departments, especially when these cuts come to bite .
The spectre this raises for Labour is that a short-term squeeze on day-to-day departmental spending risks undermining the work it has done to secure long-term investment for growth.
, Research Associate; , Professor of Government Practice; , Professor of Public Policy
This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license - read the
The Caucus, which serves as the primary association for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people and allies within the APSA, is an important arena for the presentation of research on sexual and gender diversity studies in political science and related disciplines.
The Awards are presented to individuals who have demonstrated exemplary service to the Caucus, the field of political science, or the broader LGBTQ community.
A founding member of the Sexuality & Politics division of APSA, Professor Wilson's work on the Christian/Religious Right has significantly contributed to understanding of how these movements have weaponised LGBTQ+ rights and liberties to expand and consolidate their memberships. She has been actively involved with the APSA LGBTQ Caucus, Status, and Sexuality & Politics for nearly three decades.
She also serves as Associate Editor at Political Research Quarterly (PRQ) where she continues to engage with scholarly developments, contribute her insights and foster academic community.
In its statement, the awarding committee praised Professor Wilson's invaluable academic contribution:
On receiving the award, Professor Wilson said:
]]>, Professor of Politics, co-authors with Luke Glanville, Professor at the Department of International Relations at the Australian National University.
The book considers that 鈥榮tates face multiple ongoing and emerging challenges, from climate change to global disease, mass atrocities to forced displacement, humanitarian crises to entrenched global poverty, and are constrained by material and political limits to the amount of resources that they can devote to these issues.鈥 It seeks to answer how, given these constraints, states should prioritise their global responsibilities.
It does so 鈥榖y proposing a two-level account of just prioritization that aims to be both philosophically sound and practically relevant. The authors assess several potential prioritization principles, including diversification, culpability, urgency, disadvantage, and national interest, and argue that states should prioritize issues where they can assist most effectively and where they can help those who are most underprivileged.鈥
The book considers a number of urgent issues, such as global poverty, climate change and global health.
is a Senior Lecturer in Politics and the project is a collaboration between Politics and Criminology.
It aims to contribute to policy theory by discovering how policy workers make interpretations, manage relationships and practice discretion in the course of governing the trafficking problem.
There is currently a lack of primary research and cross-national comparisons about anti-trafficking collaborative governance. There is also a lack of research on non-sexual exploitative labour.
The project will contribute to knowledge by discovering how policy workers' discretion impacts upon the prosecution, protection and prevention of trafficking. Moreover, the project includes people with lived experience of trafficking as co-producers.
The project will assess similarities and differences between policy practices across three countries: United Kingdom, Belgium and Romania. It focuses primarily on policy workers, their organisations, and inter-relations.
It examines how they make discretionary choices in policy implementation, including narratives they use in interpreting the policy problem and negotiating network relationships. These are set in the context of formal governance structures and the political narratives at work within them.
The overall research question for the project is: How is the human trafficking problem governed by interpretive policy workers making discretionary choices in the context of specific policy regimes?
]]>is a Lecturer in Political Theory and the British Academy/Leverhulme project will support her research on how different forms of cross-border and domestic solidarity can be harmonised.
The research questions the assumption that solidarity with refugees contradicts or erodes solidarity within the welfare state. Instead, the project explores how political solidarity with refugees can be community-building and support wider social justice goals.
The grant will support a workshop on refugees鈥 political engagement and solidarity with a number of stakeholders in Sweden, a country where the presumed conflict of solidarity has been particularly stark. Sandelind will also interview migrant activists and NGOs, focusing on how their work can and does contribute to building wider solidarity that may also support the welfare state.
]]>Since 2014, this community hub has also served as the setting for a fruitful collaboration between the University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料 and local refugees and asylum seekers, fostering both language skills and community building.
The initiative, spearheaded by the politics department at the University, began as an English language conversation project. Every week, students would meet with refugees and asylum seekers at the Chrysalis Centre, offering them a chance to practice English and engage with the broader community.
This effort was originally conceived by two 黑料网吃瓜爆料 students studying Politics and International Relations, John Beswick and Chen Liu, who recognized the isolation and language barriers faced by many refugees during a visit to the centre.
The project has evolved since its inception, expanding in 2022 to include students from universities across 黑料网吃瓜爆料. This expansion was coordinated by Senior Lecturer Aoileann N铆 Mhurch煤 from 黑料网吃瓜爆料 and Lecturer Dr. Josephine Biglin from the University of Salford.
The students contribute more than just language skills; they forge meaningful connections with the attendees, contributing to a sense of community and mutual support.
Reflecting on her experience, Ila Lessof, a University of 黑料网吃瓜爆料 student who participated in the 2022/23 project, described it as transformative: "The community and friendships created were invaluable... the chance to learn from and support each other brought so much joy and purpose."
Despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, the project has persevered, adapting and growing in response to the needs of the community. The University鈥檚 commitment to this initiative underscores the critical role that higher education institutions can play in supporting refugees within local communities.
As the Chrysalis Family Centre continues to thrive, the collaboration between 黑料网吃瓜爆料 students and local refugees remains a powerful testament to the positive impact of community engagement.
]]>The report sets out strategies for navigating the UK鈥檚 political context on climate change, which were developed during a workshop at 黑料网吃瓜爆料 with academics, practitioners from various political parties, as well as NGOs and social movements.
In a recent blog post, and argue on the basis of the report that there has been a breakdown of the 鈥榗limate change consensus鈥 and a backlash against net zero. To overcome these issues, they strategies they suggest are:
- Mitigate the dilemmas that political parties face when navigating this new political context.
They suggest that parties may do so, for example, by 鈥楧esigning policies that create irreversible effects, such as zero-carbon infrastructure investments in electricity, housing, or transport that would be too costly to dismantle.鈥
2. Attack the backlash directly
This option entails promoting 鈥榥et zero strategies that explicitly address social justice and inequality. Examples include policies that benefit low-income households, such as investment in public transport, and using the language of 鈥榚nergy security鈥 when promoting renewable energy.
The following report and blog post are available to read below:
After the election, wrote a , focusing on the 鈥榝ragmentation of the British parliament and the rise of smaller parties at the expense of the Conservatives鈥.
wrote for the , analysing the results of all major parties and discussing the weakness of Labour鈥檚 base.
During election night, Robert Ford and Marta Miorio were at the BBC as part of their exit poll and analysis team. was at the BBC World Service Business Report election coverage.
Prior to the election, argued in n that children should have a say in elections.
Louise Thompson wrote a number of pieces for The Conversation and LSE British Politics and Policy blog, including of Reform鈥檚 election success.
wrote a , highlighting the key role played by renters in the election.
]]>It鈥檚 not controversial to say that contemporary affluent societies do a rather poor job of taking the interests of younger generations into account. This is not only because children can鈥檛 vote and the elderly tend to numbers. It鈥檚 also because many societies have ageing populations, making them demographically stacked against the youngest.
In Italy, for example, . While the numbers aren鈥檛 quite that high in the UK, the phenomenon is still 鈥 with pensioners .
The neglect of children and young people in UK politics is evident. . and understaffed, and young people are saddled with high university fees. They also face a difficult and cannot look forward to a decent, safe pension. It鈥檚 also much harder for them to , compared with previous generations.
And that鈥檚 all without even considering issues related to the climate crisis or how dramatically shrank children鈥檚 lives and social circles. What is clear is that children are directly affected by political decisions and policies. But they don鈥檛 have a say in elections.
In some places, the voting age for some elections has already been lowered to 16. Research shows that young people are more likely to if they start at 16. Labour now proposes this for .
Many want the voting age to be lowered further, or . But any age higher than 0 leaves millions of child citizens without representation of their interests. That problem can be solved by giving children proxy votes from birth, to be cast by their primary carers. We can combine this with any voting age we deem right.
Proxy voting is when a person delegates their voting rights to another person to vote on their behalf. It is . It could work roughly in the same way with children and their parents or caregivers. Instead of delegation, we would use our registers of who is a child鈥檚 primary carer, authorising parents or legal guardians to vote on their behalf, if they are not yet old enough to vote themselves.
Giving children鈥檚 interests a voice
The idea of proxy voting for children has been and discussed by politicians for decades, but hasn鈥檛 been tried yet.
For some, the idea may be concerning, with fears that primary carers will use the votes in their own interests rather than the children鈥檚. Of course their interests are not exactly identical. But they largely overlap on the policies that matter most 鈥 from high quality childcare and schooling to generally improving the life prospects for the young.
For example, if prospects are bad, the young remain economically .
And even if a few carers use proxy votes badly, this is still better than not having children鈥檚 interests represented at all. Furthermore, we could restrict the number of possible extra votes per primary carer, so that people with more children did not have more votes.
Perhaps some would still feel that carers getting to exercise more votes somehow shows that society values families more than the childless. But this is a misunderstanding of proxy voting. It is needed simply to give children鈥檚 interests appropriate weight in our politics, given our demographics.
According to philosophers, there are two main reasons for giving people . The first is simply that the vote is a mark of respect for people as free and equal moral agents capable of forming and expressing their own and the common good of their society.
The second relates to the good consequences of voting: giving people the vote avoids many and raises the chances that nobody鈥檚 important interests will be overlooked.
Having proxy voting in place would likely make it easier to teach children about politics more effectively from an earlier age, and help them to become active citizens. But the main argument for it is simply that it gives weight to their interests in the electoral process. With millions more potential votes to be gained, we can expect that political parties would compete for these votes by committing to policies that are fairer towards the young.
When faced with the disproportionate political influence of the elderly, some philosophers have toyed with the idea of at least (as the Romans ). But many people think this would be a terrible idea: it would be a form of exclusion from politics. Adding proxy votes for children does not exclude anybody.
In lieu of a proxy voting system, if you鈥檙e a parent, this election is a good opportunity to start about the democratic process, the issues you are concerned about and why you vote. You may even want to take them to the ballot box with you. that talking to young people about politics can help them trust in their own ability to effect change.
, Senior Lecturer in Political Theory
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Htet Lynn Oo is a former MA Peace and Conflict Studies student.
In addition to the , Htet was also awarded a special commendation for his MA dissertation in the prize, organised by the British Council in partnership with the British International Studies Association (BISA).
They noted:
The British Council will be publishing the dissertation.
]]>The outgoing Head of Department of Politics, , has been awarded a British Academy Senior Research Fellowship to complete a long-standing book project on A Soviet Rule of Law: Justice and the Constitution in Soviet Russia.
Gorlizki is one of 11 2023/24 awardees of the . His project will provide the first in-depth analysis of a major Soviet policy to ask whether it might be possible to have a particular form of the rule of law in an authoritarian state.
In doing so it builds on and extends a growing body of work on the 鈥渁uthoritarian rule of law鈥 and poses questions鈥攕uch as 鈥淗ow does a rule of law emerge?鈥 and 鈥淲hat is the role of constitutions in dictatorship?鈥濃攚hich can shed new light on how authoritarian regimes function.
]]>With polls predicting huge losses for the Conservatives and huge gains for Labour, the election campaign so far has focused on the battle between the two biggest parties in Westminster. But the parliamentary dynamics are exceptionally fluid this year. Here鈥檚 a summary of where every party in Westminster currently stands 鈥 and where they are hoping to be after July 4.
Conservatives: 346 seats and everything to lose
Sunak鈥檚 Conservatives held 346 seats when he called the election. They started with 365 after the 2019 election but have lost since then. Several other former Conservative MPs have defected to other parties and others have been suspended.
A hefty chunk of the party鈥檚 current MPs , leaving newly selected candidates to fight what is likely to be an incredibly difficult campaign for the party.
The Conservatives are almost guaranteed to be sitting on the opposition benches in the next parliament, with one recent poll suggesting they could fall to just 66 seats 鈥 their . This could put them in dangerous territory. It would be a humiliation for Sunak if the party performed so poorly that it fell into third place behind the Liberal Democrats.
Against this backdrop, winning 150 seats or more would be a pretty decent showing.
Labour: 205 seats and hoping for 400
The Labour Party won in the 2019 general election under its former leader Jeremy Corbyn. This has increased slightly since then, through a combination of defecting Conservative MPs and byelections. Labour with 205 seats.
The party鈥檚 in Blackpool last month, where Chris Webb won 58% of the vote, was the sixth time Labour won a byelection with a swing of more than 20% since 2019. This bodes well for election day, where Starmer will be keen to try to win a comfortable majority and, if recent polling is correct, in the House of Commons.
Scottish National Party: 43 MPs and worried
The SNP have had some spectacular performances in recent general elections, bringing 56 MPs to the House of Commons in 2015, 35 in 2017 and 48 in 2019. But the party has struggled somewhat in the current parliament. It has lost three MPs to defections and the suspensions of Patrick Grady following sexual assault allegations and Margaret Ferrier for COVID rule-breaking shattered the SNP鈥檚 previously clean image in Westminster.
The SNP therefore heads into this election with 43 MPs. The party is battling two fronts, with the Alba party threatening to split the nationalist vote and Labour looking to win as many of Scotland鈥檚 57 seats as possible.
Labour won Ferrier鈥檚 old seat in the Rutherglen and Hamilton West byelection with a and polling suggests they will from the SNP on July 4.
Liberal Democrats: 15 seats and wanting third place
The Liberal Democrats won 11 seats in the 2019 general election and this has since risen to 15 through four successful byelections. The party performed very strongly in recent local elections, gaining more councillors than Sunak鈥檚 Conservatives. Party Leader Ed Davey had a lot of fun over the first week of the campaign and won the party a lot of in the process.
Seats like , where the Liberal Democrats lost out to the Conservatives by just a few hundred votes in 2019, will surely turn yellow. With the SNP predicted to lose many of its Scottish seats, the Lib Dems will be hoping that they can reclaim their position as the official third party at Westminster.
Democratic Unionist Party: seven seats and struggling after scandal
The DUP won eight seats in 2019 but technically lost one when Jeffrey Donaldson resigned . His seat in Lagan Valley has not yet been filled and will be hotly contested, particularly as Donaldson himself is not standing. DUP leader Gavin Robinson will have a tough battle in East Belfast against Alliance party leader Naomi Long.
Sinn F茅in: standing aside in key seats
Sinn F茅in won seven seats in 2019. However, in line with its abstentionist policy, the party鈥檚 elected representatives never took their seats in the House of Commons. The party has already confirmed that it in four of Northern Ireland鈥檚 18 constituencies and will encourage its supporters to vote against Sunak鈥檚 Conservatives in those seats. This should work in the Alliance Party鈥檚 favour. One of Sinn F茅in鈥檚 existing MPs 鈥 Michelle Gildernew 鈥 will also not be standing.
Plaid Cymru: hoping for gains on a new electoral map
Welsh nationalist party Plaid Cymru won four seats in 2019. They fell to just three MPs in 2020 when Jonathan Edwards . Edwards, who has sat as an independent MP for most of the last parliament, has stood down, as has Hywel Williams, a hard working Plaid MP who has been in the Commons for over 20 years.
Plaid will be hoping to retain Williams鈥 Arfon seat, alongside those of the party鈥檚 Westminster leader Liz Saville-Roberts and Ben Lake, both of whom won with comfortable majorities in 2019 with Conservative candidates in second place.
Boundary changes mean that most constituencies in Wales have changed, but the party will be hoping to win back Edwards鈥檚 seat in the new Caerfyrddin constituency and perhaps to add Ynys M么n, held by Conservative MP Virginia Crosbie in 2019 with a relatively slender majority of just under 2000.
Alba: fighting its first election
Former Scottish first minister Alex Salmond鈥檚 pro-independence Alba party only formed in 2021, so this is its first ever general election campaign. It did however have two MPs in the last parliament, thanks to defections.
The addition of Alba to Scottish ballot papers threatens to split the nationalist vote and will make the election even more challenging for the SNP.
Social Democratic and Labour Party: aiming to hold two seats
Northern Ireland鈥檚 SDLP returned two MPs in 2019 and will hope to retain them. The party has been inconsistent in recent elections, and even lost all its seats in 2017.
The nature of Northern Irish politics and electoral pacts between unionist and nationalist parties makes it difficult to predict what will happen here. The SDLP has, however, committed itself to fielding candidates in . Its leader Colum Eastwood won his Foyle seat at the last election, as did .
Alliance: hoping to take a key DUP seat
The centrist Alliance party, also specific to Northern Ireland, has never had more than one MP in the House of Commons. The party鈥檚 deputy leader Stephen Farry won the North Down seat for the party in 2019, though the DUP came a close second. Party leader Naomi Long will be trying to unseat the DUP Leader Gavin Robinson for the third time, having lost by 1,819 votes in 2019. She previously held the seat between 2010 and 2015.
The party has had growing success in the Northern Ireland Assembly, where it became the third largest party in 2022. Translating this into more Westminster seats will be tricky, but returning two MPs would be a good result.
Greens: targeting Bristol and Brighton
The Green Party鈥檚 one and only MP, Caroline Lucas, from parliament last year. She was the party鈥檚 first ever elected MP, holding her Brighton Pavilion constituency since 2010. The Greens are desperately hoping that former party co-leader Si芒n Berry can hold Lucas鈥檚 old seat.
The Greens are also eying up Bristol Central, where the party鈥檚 current co-leader Carla Denyer is standing against Labour鈥檚 sitting MP Thangam Debbonaire in what could be a real neck-and-neck fight. The party is already the largest party on Bristol Council. On a national level, it will be hoping to perform even better than the 2019 election, when it received a pretty respectable 860,000 votes. With last month, the Green party could hit 1 million votes this time.
Reform UK: causing trouble for the Tories
Reform UK had one sitting MP in the last Parliament, following from the Conservatives. Defections like this are how most small or new parties end up with House of Commons seats. Anderson won his seat with a 5,000 majority in 2019 and has a high profile thanks to his regular controversial contributions. But retaining his seat under a new party label will be very tricky.
Reform UK is fielding candidates across England, Scotland and Wales. It could take a substantial number of votes from the Conservatives, but the electoral system will probably mean that these votes are not concentrated enough to win more than the odd seat.
Workers Party of Great Britain: taking aim at Labour
This relatively new political party held just one seat in the last parliament, thanks to George Galloway鈥檚 Rochdale byelection success in February. Galloway will campaign to hold this seat and the party is hoping to woo Labour voters with its claims that Starmer is from Sunak. With a of candidates for such a new party, it could prove something of an annoyance.
, Senior Lecturer in Politics,
This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. Read the .
Researchers can then use this data to help answer a range of important research questions, such as what determines our exposure to news and entertainment sources and how this affects our political choices, feelings toward other people and trust in governing institutions.
The interdisciplinary research team also includes co-PIs from and from .
is Professor of Political Science. Her research focuses on the impact of new information and communication technologies on political parties, with particular focus on elections and campaigning.
is Lecturer in Politics. Her research expertise is in the fields of political participation and political communication, particularly looking at the effects of digital media.
]]>Jamie J. Hagen is currently a Lecturer in International Relations at Queen鈥檚 University Belfast, where she is the founding co-director of the Center for Gender in Politics. Her work sits at the intersection of gender, security studies, and queer theory.
Hagen brings a feminist, anti-racist approach to her work, bridging gaps between academics, policy, and activist spaces. She was the lead researcher on a British Academy Innovation Fellowship (2022-2023) focusing on improving engagement with lesbian, bisexual, transgender and queer women in Women, Peace, and Security Programming.
Her research in this field is published in the Journal of Gender Studies, International Affairs, Critical Studies in Security, the International Feminist Journal of Politics, and the European Journal of Gender and Politics as well as in the Washington Post, London School of Economics鈥 Women Peace and Security Blog, the International Peace Institute鈥檚 Global Observatory, and other outlets.
Hagen is co-editor of the edited volume (BUP) and co-developed the (English/Spanish).
]]>Bhatia has been co-chairing the Student-Staff BAME network as well as working with the newly founded Diversify Politics student society. Diversify Politics won the New Society Award.
Luke Bhatia teaches on and convenes a number of units at the , including Human Rights in World Politics and Comparative Political Analysis.
]]>Liu completed his doctoral degree in sociology at the John Hopkins University. His research uses comparative-historical methods to examine the uneven development of capitalism across space and time, as well as its multifold crises.
Some of his specific research interests include the political economy of development, food and land governance, state capacity, institutional change, and social reproduction.
Liu鈥檚 recent works have appeared in the Journal of Peasant Studies, Development and Change, and Journal of Development Studies.
He is currently working on a book that examines the macro-historical origins, divergent local trajectories, and contrasting distributional impacts of agrarian capitalist transformation in post-reform China.
Liu will be joining the Politics Department in September.
]]>Dr Hannah Wright joins the Politics Department from Queen Mary University of London, where she holds an ESRC Postdoctoral Fellowship. Prior to that, she was Research Officer at the LSE Centre for Women, Peace, and Security.
Hannah鈥檚 research addresses the relationships among gender, race, class, militarism, and coloniality, focusing on how masculinity and femininity shape security institutions and practices. She employs ethnographic method to study security policymaking.
She has published in journals such as International Feminist Journal of Politics and Political Science and Politics.
She has also published a number of policy reports on issues relating to gender, peace and security.
Wright will be joining the Politics department in September.
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